Thursday, December 27, 2007 

A multiple tragedy, and potentially multiple deaths.



The first photo shows the exact moment of the suicide blast; the other two depict the aftermath.

The assassination of Benazir Bhutto is a multiple tragedy. On one level, it continues the personal family tradition of "martyrdom": her father, Zulfikar Ali, was both president and prime minister of Pakistan before he was executed in 1979, ostensibly on charges of conspiracy to murder, but seen more as politically motivated following one of a number of military coups in Pakistan's short independent history, led by Zia-ul-Haq. Haq himself died in a plane crash in 1988. While it is by no means an exact comparison, the Bhutto clan most closely resembles the Kennedys: they both offered and offer the least worst political ideology in their respective countries.

For all of Bhutto's failings, and she had many, varying from the allegations of corruption and murder to the established fact that she was complicit in the military intelligence funding of the Taliban, her return to Pakistan less than three months ago was still welcome. In the face of the blatant gerrymandering of the vote under Musharraf, she at the very least gave hope to her supporters that her presence would stop the military dictator from stealing yet another vote. While his announcement of a state of emergency removed even that, with the supreme court judges who had struck down his reelection as president purged and replaced with obsequious sycophants who overruled the original decision, the longest striptease in political history finally came to an end when Musharraf was forced to shed his army uniform, standing down as its head. Even though the suicide attacks that had increased exponentially since the siege of the Red Mosque and bin Laden's call for jihad against the army and government that helped justify the state of emergency had continued unabated, there was a still a chance that the parliamentary elections, set for early next month, would be somewhat free and fair.

Bhutto's murder has almost certainly destroyed any lingering possibility of that. Although it seems highly unlikely that Musharraf, his supporters or the army were involved in the shooting followed by suicide bombing, he has the most to gain. For all the talk from both Bush and Brown today of not letting terrorism destroy democracy, neither will find much to complain about should Musharraf reinstate the emergency or even declare martial law. Postponement of the elections, possibly permanently, is doubtlessly also on the agenda. It's therefore completely understandable why the initial anger, rather than being directed towards the radical Islamists that had previously so ruthlessly attacked Bhutto's vanity on the homecoming parade and took 140 lives with them in the process, is currently being directed the president's way. The rioting that is being reported in Karachi and in some other areas will gradually turn from reaction to mourning, but not before it too is used as justification for another twist in Pakistan's tortured recent history.

If not Musharraf then, who is most likely responsible? Suspicion will instantly turn towards either al-Qaida itself or the Taliban, who had threatened to assassinate Bhutto and who nearly succeeded previously. The other chief suspects will be independent but al-Qaida inspired militants who declared war after the siege of the Red Mosque, or possibly remnants of other Pakistani terrorist groups formerly more concerned with Kashmir but now also increasingly focused on events in their home country itself. If it is the work of al-Qaida, then it will be the first high profile assassination that they have successfully achieved: while Ayman al-Zahawiri's former organisation al-Jihad aka Islamic Jihad had attempted to kill the Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak and there have also been previous attempts on Musharraf himself which have only been narrowly thwarted and afterwards linked to al-Qaida, their style has usually been to slaughter innocents, not specifically target politicians. Ramzi Yousef's plans to kill either Bill Clinton or the Pope were not strictly ever the work of al-Qaida itself, despite his involvement with Khalid Sheikh Mohammed: he was probably the closest takfirist terrorism has come to someone who just liked making bombs and killing people rather than caring about the religious motive, however spurious, behind it.

The rather hysterical claims that Pakistan now faces civil war or at the least the possibility of it are for the moment premature. The government has never really controlled the semi-autonomous, tribal regions of the east next to the Afghanistan border, and it's there that the real battle against those supportive of the Taliban will be decided, not in the cities, despite the suicide bombings which have mostly so far targeted either soldiers or military installations. What Bhutto's assassination has done is thrown even the semblance of normality in the country completely out of the window; how Musharraf responds will be crucial. A temporary harsh crackdown is likely unavoidable, and with the one remaining popular opposition leader Nawaz Sharif declaring he will boycott the elections, there's little reason for him not to go even further and once again rule by decree, again possibly for as long as the West tolerates it.

Whoever was behind the attack, when they murdered Bhutto they were also attempting to kill an idea, an ideology, even hope itself. However the people and the government of Pakistan reacts to this latest atrocity, they should not lose sight of Bhutto's own dream of a secular, peaceful and democratic Pakistan, even if her own flaws and lust for power of that imaginary nation should have disqualified her from leading it. From even the most dreadful and despicable of acts, good can still be drawn. Mourn now and fight for that ambition another day.

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Wednesday, November 07, 2007 

The crisis in Pakistan.

Correct me if I'm wrong, but has there been an actual condemnation of what is currently occurring on the streets of Pakistan? Thousands of those opposed to General Musharraf have been arrested, including a number of well-known political activists, the police have been viciously beating those who ignored Musharraf's declaration on Saturday of martial law to protest, television stations have been shut down, the media has in some cases been silenced, yet the only real comment we've made is that Musharraf must keep his promise of holding elections and stepping down as the head of the army. As for all those currently imprisoned for challenging Musharraf's second coup, they may as well consider themselves forgotten.

It's clear that Musharraf's one and only intention in declaring an emergency is to enable him to hang on in power. Although recently overwhelmingly re-elected president after the opposition parties mostly boycotted the vote, the real challenge to his authority has come not from the likes of Benazir Bhutto, who has returned to Pakistan to almost unaminous fanfare in the western media, but rather from lawyers and a number of recalcitrant judges, led by Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, a judge who Musharraf suspeneded earlier in the year before he was reinstated after mass protests, with the supreme court overruling Musharraf's initial misconduct charges. It was widely expected that the supreme court was about to similarly declare Musharraf's re-election null and void, with the general preemptively acting against the threat.

While Musharraf's other justification for declaring a state of emergency, the spiraling Islamist violence across the country after the siege of the Red Mosque, which lead bin Laden among other takfirists to call for a jihad against the country, has been widely parroted abroad, little mention has been made that the "judicial interference" was also a major factor, with Musharraf claiming that it was making Pakistan ungovernable. Apart from the defiance of Musharraf's will, Chaudhry's other crime was his and other judges' approach to the mass human rights abuses being committed in Pakistan's own "war against terrorism", involving torture and the disappearance of some of those arrested. While no one can deny that Pakistan is in the frontline when it comes to tackling jihadists and extremist Islam, the brutal tactics involved are undoubtedly having the usual effect of filling the ranks of those not only involved in the insurrection in Waziristan, but also that of the Taliban and the insurgency in Iraq.

To begin with it was thought that Musharraf might well have overplayed his hand in declaring an emergency, but the slow and far from unanimous response to what has happened since have quashed any such hopes. The BBC might have just reported that President Bush has personally called Musharraf to urge him to hold elections as planned and step down as army chief, but his real interests have already been overwhelming served. His most bitter opponents in the courts have been removed; the opposition politicians are either in hiding or under house arrest; the public is cowed, thanks to the way the police have cracked down on the few protests that some have staged; and those who were already in negotiations with him about power-sharing, such as Bhutto, have been so slow to respond, partly due to how her party, the Pakistan People's, was mostly ignored to begin with, further undermining any remaining real political standing she had. Even if elections are to be staged as planned now, it seems unlikely that they could be any way be either free or fair, which is exactly what Musharraf intended.

The rehabilitation of Benazir Bhutto shows how desperate politics within Pakistan has become. Anyone would think that she was a new, untainted figure, not someone who spent her time while previously in office turning at best a blind eye to the emergence of the Taliban, at worst using the ISI, Pakistan's security services to help them take control, or a figure with numerous corruption charges in multiple countries hanging over her. There is however no accounting for someone's personal vanity, or for their ability to woo foreign politicos with talk of democracy, human rights and opposition to extremism, all of which Bhutto didn't have much time for previously except as long as it kept her in power. The lack of personal criticism which followed the horrific suicide bombing that targeted her return parade, killing at least 140, was shocking: the takfirists made clear how they would attempt to attack her, yet she still showered in the adulation of her remaining supporters in the most nauseating fashion, endangering them far more than she did herself.

Parallels with Burma and the response to what occurred there only a matter of weeks ago are apt. Burma may not be as quite as internally fracturous as Pakistan currently is, but the crackdown could have been modeled on how the Burmese military and police responded to the mass protests by the Buddhist monks. As opposed to how the world responded to the situation there, Musharraf could not be more pleased with the lack of demands for the instant reinstitution of democracy and release of those arrested.

Like with so much else, post 9/11, it all comes down to Pakistan's admitted major role, not just in stopping fighters from crossing into Afghanistan, something it's failed to do, but also in the increasingly lawless and violent regions in the west, with the Grauniad reporting on how the Swat valley, previously popular with tourists has itself fell victim to "Talibanisation," giving all the more ammo both to Musharraf and the US in continuing the support given to him and the military assault on Waziristan. The last thing the US, or even Nato wants to consider while both are tied down in Iraq and Afghanistan respectively is the increasingly likely spread of the conflict into Pakistan itself. Democracy, despite all the rhetoric, will undoubtedly come second to the further shoring up of the discredited and bankrupt Musharraf.

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